Anti-globalization, environment: the state finally discovers that health is more important than the greenhouse effect and holes in the ozone

In recent weeks, public opinion has been affected by three events: two of an international nature, namely the Summit on the environment in Bonn and the G8 meeting in Genoa.

The third event, however, strictly of Italian interest, is the judicial dispute in Venice for the pollution of the Porto Marghera area by petrochemical plants, where the State has filed a civil action with a request for compensation of 71,000 billion lire.

Environment Summit in Bonn

An environmental summit will be held in Bonn from 16 to 27 July to examine the situation in the world many years after the Kyoto agreements, where the parameters for the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions and so-called greenhouse gases were established.

Agreements that have not yet entered into force, as a few dozen states out of the 170 that had signed the Kyoto Protocol, have ratified the agreements, while all the others, headed by the United States of America, have refused to do so. they are reflecting on.

The refusal is justified by the high cost of interventions on industrial plants, by the perplexities of some scientists on the actual responsibility of the gas emission by industry and transport, in any case promoting other solutions without directly intervening on the causes of the pollution, resorting to other more or less pleasant interventions, such as that of encouraging vegetation by exploiting the chlorophyll synthesis of plants, thus obtaining the absorption of carbon dioxide (sic!).

Among other things, the percentage of reduction of polluting gases within 10%, as envisaged by the Kyoto agreements, is the result of a compromise, taken in the full knowledge that it represented a negligible value to significantly reduce pollution, but it was considered a first step forward to heal the environment.

The conclusions of the report on climate trends and long-term forecasts, ie at the end of the current century, drawn up by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change-Ipcc, set up by the UN, were published very quickly in the press. This is a 2,000-page report in which the opinions of 3,000 scientists are collected.

At the moment we only have the conclusions of the report reported by the mass media, which are truly catastrophic if humanity does not take action to remedy the pollution of the Globe. The report predicts that if the current rate of gas emissions into the atmosphere continues, the global average temperature could increase by 5.8 ° at the end of the century. We have some reservations about these values, as we will see later.

But the most serious conclusion are the accusations directed at the United States, warning the President not to use science as an excuse if he does not want to ratify the Kyoto Protocol, because what must the man in the street think about the seriousness of science if, a few months ago , the President in support of his refusal to ratify the Kyoto agreements, cited the conclusions of a study done by talented scientists. Politics has the last word, altering and misrepresenting the conclusions of a scientific study, taking advantage of the fact that in the meteorological field there are many uncertainties in developing forecast models even in the short and medium term.

G8 meeting in Bonn

Massive importance is given by the media at the next G8 meeting in Genoa, from 20 to 21 July, especially after what happened in Gothenburg in Sweden, favoring information on preparations and measures to avoid unrest and episodes of violence that have occurred for some time. in all international meetings., but very little is known about the topics that will be addressed at the meeting. It seems that the environmental problem will also be dealt with, hoping that, as on other occasions, it does not end with a stalemate.

Certainly the G8 Summit in Genoa will deal mainly with economic strategy issues, this being the purpose for the convening of the Heads of State, but it will not be able to completely ignore the report on the health of the Globe and its inhabitants, because economic choices must also take into account environmental situations.

If they didn't they would be dangerous unconscious. Unfortunately, the G8 meeting will end much earlier than the one in Bonn, so they could postpone any decision after the results of the Bonn meeting, or political agreements will be made which, of course, could influence the conclusions of a purely environmental meeting. like that of Bonn. It would have been more useful if the purely technical meeting, attended by scientists from all over the world, had preceded that of the G8, in order to constrain politics, without giving the Heads of State the opportunity to avoid making decisions to save the environment. .

Porto Marghera and compensation

Those of our readers who have had the patience to read the various articles in the Climate and Environment column will have noticed that our criticisms are addressed to the mass media which, in reporting contingent data on the meteorological situation and on the pollutants dispersed in the air, in the waters and on the ground, dramatically emphasize the climatic forecasts on a short, medium and long-term future, fearing torrid summers (forecasts regularly denied with the arrival of the first storms), enlargement of the holes in the ozone (which then without a precise reason are shrinking), desertification of entire continents, with all the consequences on the fauna and flora (partly due to the reckless intervention of man and not to the climate).

These are topics on which even the most talented scientists, knowing the limits of the hypotheses, disagree in evaluating their extent and origins, also because it is not easy to discern in a climate change how much can be attributed to natural causes that are not entirely clear and how much instead it should be related to human activities.

Conversely, with a few exceptions, little emphasis is given to the most negative aspect linked with safety to pollution: the health of the populations who work or live near plants that emit harmful substances, especially in the gaseous state.

For over 50 years, environmental organizations have stubbornly denounced the risks of such pollution, but they have been ignored not only by the managers of the Porto Marghera plants, but also by the institutions responsible for monitoring and safeguarding the population.

Learning that a judicial dispute is underway, to identify the perpetrators who made the Porto Marghera area unlivable, generates not a little satisfaction and even more so to know that the State has filed a civil action asking for compensation for damages equal to 71,000 billion .

However, it is natural to ask a question: is it possible for the State to constitute a civil party if it too has played a role of co-ownership?

We do not know how the dispute will end, but according to other disputes, inquiries and reports established on other occasions we do not have any illusions: the conclusions will arrive who knows when and if they will arrive.

As far as we can, we will keep you informed of all three events covered in this article.

Dr. Pio Petrocchi

Online language dictionaries

Theft Protection

WordReference English- Italian Dictionary © 2021:

Principal Translations / Principal Translations
Italian English
Theft Protection adj adjective: Describes or specifies a noun: "A person trusted"-" With a screwdriver small"-" Matters controversial" (which serves to prevent theft)antitheft, burglar adj adjective: Describes a noun or pronoun - for example, "a tall girl, "" an interesting book, "" a big house. "
The anti-theft system of this car guarantees maximum security.
This car's burglar alarm system provides the utmost safety.
Theft Protection margin no masculine noun: Identifies a being, an object or a concept that assumes a masculine gender: doctor, cat, instrument, check, pain (anti-theft device)antitheft alarm, burglar alarm, alarm system n noun: Refers to person, place, thing, quality, etc.
You forgot to put the alarm on this morning.
You forgot to switch on the alarm system this morning.
Missing something important? Report a bug or suggest improvements

Forum discussions with the word (s) 'antifurto' in the title:
Forum discussions with the word (s) `` antifurto '' in the title:


In 1999, on the occasion of the WTO meeting in Seattle, the vast anti-globalization movement appeared on the public scene for the first time, which to tell the truth had already manifested itself on other occasions, in particular also in Vancouver. APEC summit in 1997. [2]

The movement, also thanks to the spread of the Internet and related counter-information websites, from that moment will set up various protest initiatives against the processes of globalization of the economy and society, made possible by the agreements on international trade sanctioned by organizations and transnational liberal institutions: WTO (formerly GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade), International Monetary Fund and World Bank. [3] Bodies like the G8, in which the heads of governments of the main countries of the world meet, ratify these decisions and, in fact, they are one of the moments in which the "movement" is more active and visible.

In addition to those in Seattle, other incidents occurred on January 27, 2001 in Davos (Switzerland), on the occasion of the World Economic Forum [4], from March 15 to 17 in Naples [5] and on June 15 in Gothenburg, for the European Summit. . The most dramatic moment, however, occurs during the G8 in Genoa - from Thursday 19 July to Sunday 22 July 2001 - when the violent clashes in the Ligurian city led to the murder of the young Carlo Giuliani.

Can't see the forest for the trees

We already knew that a flaw in the No Global way of seeing was to look at the tree and ignore the forest, as anti-globalization flies over. - 11k - Cached - Similar pages

I propose briefly considerations and resolutions on issues and. For those with political responsibilities, the saying is valid that one must know how to look at the tree and the forest. I also want to answer clearly to. - 36k - Cached - Similar pages

perhaps the author fails to perceive that he is in a forest despite the presence of trees. I hope so. and that it is not the heat .. hello cecilia

hello flo
an idea to keep the concept and elements

or even inverted. see you
* do not notice the forest / wood because of the trees *

look forward to brainstorming!

Paravia explains this idiom as "getting lost in the details", but I can't think of equivalent Italian expressions.

Maybe get lost in a glass of water?

We already knew that a flaw in the No Global way of seeing was to look at the tree and ignore the forest, as anti-globalization flies over. - 11k - Cached - Similar pages

I propose briefly considerations and resolutions on issues and. For those with political responsibilities, the saying is that one must know how to look at the tree and the forest. I also want to answer clearly to. - 36k - Cached - Similar pages

THE EDITORIALS OF RADIO CITTA 'OPEN. and then they abolish it at the European level. Could it be that this time too someone will end up making us look at the tree and lose sight of the forest? . - 51k - Cached - Similar pages

The details make you lose the focus of the whole.

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A major new manifesto for the end of capitalism

Neoliberalism isn't working. Austerity is forcing millions into poverty and many more into precarious work, while the left remains trapped in stagnant political practices that offer no respite.

Inventing the Future is a bold new manifesto for life after capitalism. Against the confused understanding of our high-tech world by both the right and the left, this book claims that the emancipatory and future-oriented possibilities of our society can be reclaimed. Instead of running from a complex future, Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams demand a postcapitalist economy capable of advancing standards, liberating humanity from work and developing technologies that expand our freedoms.

This new edition includes a new chapter where they respond to their various critics.

What happened to the future? Where have the grandiose projects for a more just, freer, happier society that once stood at the center of leftist history gone?

In this essay that is both rigorous and provocative at the same time, Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams abandon any nostalgic temptation and try to imagine through what means to redesign a perspective that from the 24/7 capitalism in which we are forced to live, leads us to a world free from work. and ecologically (as well as humanly) sustainable. Starting from a punctual critique of what they call folk politics - the idea according to which "small is beautiful" and "local is better than global" - the authors therefore point to a future in which technology finally serves the purpose of emancipating humanity, rather than being forced into the unproductive uses that global techno-capitalism makes of it.

In terms of themes, style and boldness of content, Inventing the future is both a response to the vacuous left of the so-called "third way", and a constructive criticism of the movements that have tried to oppose neoliberalism by resorting to ineffective localist policies. And to the pastism that cloaks much of the anti-globalization rhetoric, the authors reply, bringing to the natural consequences one of the most discussed political texts of recent years, and which Srnicek and Williams wrote as a reaction to the failure of the anti-crisis movements: the Manifesto for a policy accelerationist.


  • 1 Origin of the Italian term and other denominations
  • 2 Historical contextualization
  • 3 Borders and political action
  • 4 The ideological foundations
  • 5 Criticisms
  • 6 The movement in Italy
    • 6.1 The subjects
    • 6.2 The events
  • 7 Notes
  • 8 Bibliography
  • 9 Filmography
  • 10 Related items
  • 11 Other projects
  • 12 External links

The term "no-global" was born in the Italian press with the name "No Global Forum Network" due to its contraction. This denomination, managing to frame even if simplistically "those who demonstrated at the G8" as a single entity, then spread in the Italian press and therefore in everyday language even if there were no groups that declared themselves "no-global" and that they were then identified as such at the time the term in question was first used. [4]

Alternative names for the movement are often used. If you currently use terms like new global (which in any case has a more restricted and less radical connotation, and advocates another form of globalization) or movement of movements, in the past the term was more used people of Seattle (with reference to the disputes that took place there in November 1999 during a Conference of Ministers in the WTO).

In the academic field, some authors speak of Global Justice Movement to underline two peculiar characteristics: its being a transnational network of social movements and its focusing on different thematic areas that can be traced back to the more general demand for global justice.

In other countries (initially in France) the denomination of alter-mondialism or altromondoismo tends to be used in place of the anti-globalization one, to indicate a positive and proactive vision (in reference to the slogan Another world is possible). Ultimately, we tend to underline the fact that the rejection is towards the type of globalization that is developing and not the concept of globalization itself. The term anti-globalism instead it is mainly used by movements that are not recognized in the left area.

The movement arose in the late 1990s in part as a response to tensions that have accumulated since the end of the Cold War, with the crisis of the welfare state, the crisis of mass political parties, the fall of economic barriers between states, relocation the productive sectors of companies, the exploitation of labor in the third world, the strengthening of monopolies and the power of multinationals, the progressive loss of political control by citizens over the economic and financial world.

The movement was born and developed with numerous protest initiatives against the processes of globalization of the economy and everything connected with it, made possible by the agreements on international trade, sanctioned within the WTO, and by the choices of parliaments and governments. , the latter gathered in bodies such as the G8, as well as some international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

The movement coins the slogan "another world is possible", translated and used in all languages, and has met since January 2001 every year in Porto Alegre for the World Social Forum, as opposed to the World Economic Forum in Davos. It organizes"counter-forum"at international summits and gains growing media attention.

In 2002, after the attack on the twin towers and the subsequent war in Afghanistan, the movement merged into a broader pacifist movement. The demands "for another possible world" made by the protesters are mixed with those of opposition to the military policy of the government of George W. Bush, and delineating the boundaries of the movement becomes even more difficult.

The no global movement has no clear boundaries, even if it refers to groups and movements extraneous to the traditional political world, it contains many instances of civil society, which often express themselves politically and operate in limited areas and with peculiar characteristics. It actually wants to be a moment of rebirth of civil society, it promotes direct and participatory democracy, it promotes critical consumption and sustainable development, it is pacifist, environmentalist and anti-prohibitionist.

Consistent with its placement outside the traditional party logic, the movement's techniques of political action are of a different type from the traditional gathering of consensus aimed at winning electoral confrontations with other democratic political forces and also clearly move away from Marxist-inspired doctrines. -Leninist who saw in the armed revolution the central moment of political action, to which the class struggle would necessarily have to converge. The movement's instruments of political struggle consist mainly of boycott, demonstrations, counter-information (or media activism) and an energetically and environmentally sustainable lifestyle.

The anti-globalization movement has drawn inspiration from the works of writers and intellectuals from around the world. For example the book No logo (2000) by Canadian journalist Naomi Klein is considered by some to be the manifesto of the movement, while another book that marked the practice and thought of the no global movement (in particular of its antagonistic components such as the Disobedients) was "Empire" of communist philosopher Toni Negri.

The books and interventions of the Indian intellectual Vandana Shiva, who fights for the self-determination of indigenous peoples and respect for ecology, threatened by the interests of large industries, are considered authoritative by the movement. In France, the newspaper Le Monde diplomatique is known for its anti-globalization positions and for having favored the birth and fame of the ATTAC association.

American intellectual and linguist Noam Chomsky is also known for his anti-globalization stances, as are Uruguayan novelist and essayist Eduardo Galeano, American poet and musician Erzsebet Beck and Marxist sociological theologian François Houtart. Some other scholars and economists critical of neoliberalism, although they do not recognize themselves in the movement, also partly inspire it. Examples include US economists James Tobin (whose financial transaction tax proposal, Tobin tax, inspired the ATTAC movement) and Joseph E. Stiglitz.

Regarding copyright issues, the movement largely shares the vision of Richard Stallman, a major advocate of free software and free content as sharing practices with ethical and political significance.

One of the criticisms leveled at this political experience is that of the lack of proactiveness at times, due to the presumed impossibility of coordinating the heterogeneous political forces that constitute it within a long-term political planning scheme. The movement is often accused by some of not possessing political realism and of being ideologically a collection of sometimes incompatible utopian drives.

Criticisms of different kinds come from those who believe that the no-global experience, in particular that which finds its expression in the World Social Forum, risks being piloted and exploited by the radical social democratic governments of Latin America, such as the Venezuelan one.

The harshest critics, on the other hand, equate the movement with a subversive, almost terrorist, far-left organization, although among the discontented with the new global economic order there are also right-wing militants and Catholics of the Lilliput Network. According to these, they are believed to be linked to the most extreme and violent wings, accusing them of not taking adequate distances, also by virtue of violence following clashes with the police that took place on the occasion of the major demonstrations, from the first major protest in Seattle in 1999 to the more recent events of the G8 in Genoa in 2001. Regarding this last event, Amnesty International in 2002 however published a document in which it asked for an investigation into the work of the police in the management of public order during the Italian summit , criticizing their excessive violence and accusing them of having denied freedom of expression, also asking for investigations into the instructions given by the top management. [5]

The subjects Edit

The movement in Italy reflects the same variety of subjects present at world and European level. Among the members of the Genoa Social Forum 2001 we find some historical acronyms of the Italian socio-political panorama, including

  • national associations (ARCI, ACLI)
  • left-wing political parties (Communist Refoundation, Greens, Italian Communist Party)
  • trade unions (Cobas, FIOM, SinCobas)
  • student associations (Unione degli Studenti, Unione degli Universitari)
  • feminist movements (World March of Women)
  • movements of a religious nature (Pax Christi, Liberation Theology)
  • environmental associations (Legambiente, WWF)
  • social centers (CS Leoncavallo, C.S.O.A. Terra Terra, Officina 99, etc.)

and newly established entities, including

  • the Lilliput Network, which brings together various minor subjects involved in cooperation with the southern hemisphere
  • ATTAC, an association (very developed in France and present all over the world) that opposes neoliberal economic policies.
  • the United Protestant Church, the only religious confession in Italy that has approved, through its Synod, a Declaration of Faith [6] declaredly anti-capitalist and ecological.

Among the Italian personalities who had a certain prominence in the national media in that period we find Vittorio Agnoletto, spokesperson for the Genoa Social Forum, the Comboni missionary Alex Zanotelli, and the spokespersons of some social centers, such as Luca Casarini, present particularly in the North-East of Italy and Francesco Caruso, present at that time especially in the South of Italy. The latter was elected deputy (PRC) in the 2006 general elections.

It must also be said that on the occasion of the latest counter-summits on the various G8s of 2009 in Italy, movements, parties or groups related to the independence political area have also joined the initiatives (Sardigna Natzione, a Manca pro s'Indipendentzia [7] and others minor groups gathered in the "Mesa Sarda - In Foras on the G8", [8] or Movement for the Independence of Sicily and Young Sicilian Independents in the "Against G8 Sicily"and in the forum"NoG8 Sicily"[9] [10]). This denotes the pluralist and heterogeneous character of the movement but also its ability to attract forces and organizations that defend linguistic and ethnic diversity in a framework of cultural exchange on an equal footing.

The manifestations Edit

The demonstrations and the "counter-summits" take hold in Italy following the famous Seattle protests in 1999. The news that these protests have influenced the failure of the WTO summit pushes an increasing number of demonstrators to participate in various "counter-forum"present in some European cities: in Prague in September 2000 for the World Bank summit, then in Naples in March 2001 for the Global Forum one-government.

The event that records a significant surge in the number of demonstrators is the counter-summit of the G8 held in Genoa in July 2001. The second and third days of demonstrations are the scene of clashes that will have a strong emotional impact on the demonstrators and (with reactions very conflicting) on ​​Italian public opinion, mainly due to the death of Carlo Giuliani, a boy of only 23 who is killed during an attack on a truck by a carabiniere.

After the events in Genoa, the Italian movement participates with a conspicuous representation at the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre in February 2002, and organizes the European Social Forum in Florence in November 2002. The forum is held at the Fortezza da Basso and brings together all the European subjects involved in the movement.

The double standard of white feminism

Atlantic Ocean, second half of the eighteenth century. Zamore and Mirza, two young slaves on the run, find refuge on a desert island. Zamore, who killed the commander of a slave ship, knows he will not survive a possible capture, but he is generous and cannot help but save a couple of castaways he glimpses on the horizon. Sofia is the daughter of a French notable and in order to repay the man to whom she owes her life, she will help Zamore and Mirza to escape their condition of slavery. In a nutshell, this is the plot of the novel L'esclavage des noirs, ou l'heureux naufrage by Olympe de Gouges, which appeared in France in 1785. One of the founding texts of historical European feminism, immediately accused of being subversive due to the glimpses of freedom it allowed black slaves to glimpse. To this novel, as well as to other analogues of the time, in particular Paule et Virgine by Bernardine de Saint-Pierre, "one of the most read works of the eighteenth century", the anti-racist feminist Françoise Vergès traces the origin of a "civilizing feminism", of which she produces an accurate and cutting critique in the volume A decolonial feminism, recently translated from French for the short shadows editions (2020, pp. 115, € 11.00). Sofia, the true protagonist of de Gouges' novel, is the one who allows the emancipation of the two young slaves: "without the white woman, no freedom" underlines the feminist from Antillean, to emphasize the politics of compassion at the bottom of white feminism and its civilizing mission. Vergès, who grew up in La Réunion in a communist family engaged in the anti-colonial liberation struggle, knows that, against the backdrop of the Eurocentric narrative of modernity, feminism has systematically erased non-white women from the analysis of conflicts and forms of resistance. And this is as true then as today.

Paris, Champs-Elisées, July 1989. France celebrates the bicentenary of the Revolution. In the presence of the G7, six thousand artists and extras stage the spectacle of "happy globalization": the Africans dance half naked, the British march under artificial rain, the Soviets march through the paper snow. It is the stereotypical and orientalist representation of the "planetary tribe" staged by large of the world. At the same time, the first anti-globalization manifestation takes shape at Mutalitè. The political positioning is diametrically opposite but the rhetoric is similar. The "First Summit of the Seven Poorest Peoples" (this is the name of the meeting that is part of the Universal Declaration of Peoples' Rights adopted in Algiers in 1976) translates the ideals of the Revolution on the level of cultural struggle and designates as an enemy Islam. It is taking up the offensive against the "veil" launched a few months earlier by the white feminism of the republican left and consecrates, on the altar of secularism, civilizing feminism in the new world order and in the humanitarian-liberal agenda. At the dawn of the last decade of the twentieth century, the neoliberal counter-offensive is deployed. There has been a universal, polarized and Manichean struggle: good against evil, the west of the end of history, the one that pulled down the Berlin wall, against the Islamic east which now takes the place of communism, an ideological offensive against everything that is not the West, anti-colonial struggles in the first place. Left and feminism are at the forefront of this crusade. Alla guerra per l’indipendenza dell’Algeria, fiore all’occhiello della Francia repubblicana, contestano il limite di aver lasciato intatto un patriarcato tradizionale figlio di un anticolonialismo ingenuo, che non ha liberato le donne.

Son trascorsi duecento anni tra l’opera di de Gouges e i discorsi che accompagnano le celebrazioni per il bicentenario della Rivoluzione ma la donna bianca resta l’unica paladina della libertà. Vergès è netta: il femminismo, nel suo anelito di civilizzazione del mondo, ha definitivamente sposato la controrivoluzione. Qui colloca la sua critica a un «femminismo civilizzazionale» imperante e la proposta di un «femminismo decoloniale» che sappia «depatriarcalizzare le lotte rivoluzionarie». Un femminismo capace di valorizzare e portare avanti conflitti, troppo spesso taciuti, che si sono opposti allo sviluppo della modernità capitalista e coloniale e che ancora riverberano nella Francia contemporanea: intorno alla spinosa questione del velo che anima da oltre trent’anni il dibattito pubblico in Francia o a quella del bikini che nella calda estate del 2017, ha scaldato gli animi delle femministe civilizzazioniste nella loro crociata contro il burkini. Sullo sfondo, un dibattito di matrice razzista e coloniale che continua a dividere il mondo «tra culture aperte e culture ostili all’uguaglianza delle donne».

Quando la notte del 31 dicembre 2015 a Colonia alcune centinaia di donne e uomini in arrivo alla stazione ferroviaria, vengono aggrediti, rapinati e tra le donne alcune molestate, figure preminenti del femminismo europeo lanciano l’ennesima crociata contro «i musulmani che minacciano le conquiste femministe». Si tratta, sottolinea Vergès, di una lettura faziosa che passa sotto silenzio le continue minacce all’autodeterminazione riproduttiva, lo sfruttamento del lavoro femminile razzializzato, la divisione sessuale del lavoro e la continua dequalificazione del lavoro delle donne, tutte al fondo della stessa logica capitalistica. Nella prospettiva del femminismo civilizzazionale, le diseguaglianze sociali non hanno origine nel nesso inscindibile tra razzismo e capitalismo che informa la società europea moderna e contemporanea, sono piuttosto una questione soggettiva, il risultato di un deficit di educazione o una questione di mentalità. Da questa angolazione, viene completamente cancellata la critica antirazzista, antisessista e di classe prodotta dalle lotte anticoloniali e dal femminismo nero, mentre emerge in modo esplicito l’incapacità del femminismo bianco a compiere la sua decolonizzazione, ovvero a pensare il momento coloniale come fondativo dell’intera storia europea e occidentale.

Al contrario, la proposta di un femminismo decoloniale, si colloca immediatamente dentro e contro il «capitalismo razziale». Piuttosto che insistere sulla separazione dalla «classe degli uomini» secondo una visione ancora in voga nel dibattito femminista francese, propone una lotta per liberare la società tutta dal giogo delle gerarchie della razza. Nell’analisi di Vergès, al netto di una esplicita riflessione sulla misogynoir che denuncia «il maschilismo degli uomini afro», il femminismo decoloniale si fa carico delle «terribili tensioni che gravano sulle vite nere, quale che sia il loro genere o la loro sessualità» e interroga apertamente «la condanna moralista del dominio maschile nelle comunità nere» che il femminismo civilizzazionale mette continuamente a lavoro, come si è visto nelle retoriche che hanno informato i fatti della notte di Capodanno a Colonia.

Vergès è chiara: il femminismo civilizzazionale è quello che piace al capitalismo. Quello del women’s empowerment che collega la capacità di agire delle donne al loro essere funzionale allo sviluppo capitalistico. Quello delle conferenze ONU - Città del Messico (1975), Copenaghen (1980), Nairobi (1985), Pechino (1995) - che spinge i Piani di aggiustamento strutturale in Asia, Africa e America latina e promuove il microcredito tra le donne contribuendo a definire un’economia del debito nei paesi del Sud del mondo. Quello che ha spinto l’ingresso delle donne nell’ordine neoliberale e che abbiamo visto a lavoro alla Mutalitè nel 1989 quello che si è impegnato a riscrivere la narrazione militante delle donne fuori da una dimensione collettiva: Rosa Parks invece del Women’s Political Council, per intenderci, e che ha reso icone femminili le figure militanti che ha potuto «sbiancare», tacciando le altre di inguaribile estremismo: Coretta Scott King tra le prime, Claudia Jones o Fatima Bedar, la giovanissima vittima del massacro degli algerini a Parigi dell’ottobre del 1961, tra le seconde.

Vergès sottolinea che in una delle sue declinazione più deleterie, il femminismo civilizzazionale si è fatto «femonazionalismo». Riprendendo la definizione coniata da Sara Farris per descrivere la cattura del discorso femminista da parte del pensiero nazionalista e neoliberista, spinge l’analisi oltre la posizione delle destre e indietro fino agli anni Settanta del Novecento, quando la società francese, alle prese con la sua modernizzazione, cerca una nuova definizione dell e gerarchie della razza dopo l’indipendenza dell’Algeria. Qui colloca il diffondersi e radicarsi della stigmatizzazione della mascolinità degli uomini musulmani, l’avvio di campagne razziste sostenute in nome dell’uguaglianza di genere e, non da ultimo, l’arruolamento in massa di donne razzializzate nel settore della cura. Da quest’ultima prospettiva, in particolare, legge quella che potremmo definire la cattiva coscienza del femminismo bianco: in nome dell’emancipazione da una cultura maschile che sottomette la donna (così è generalmente intesa la cultura islamica in Francia e non solo), si chiamano a raccolte le donne islamiche per occupare «posizioni che il femminismo, un tempo, denunciava come alienanti» poiché disposte dal domino maschile. Nello stesso tempo, individua, nel lavoro di cura razzializzato, uno degli esempi più chiari del funzionamento del capitalismo razziale.

Nel suo denunciare sistematicamente la doppia morale del femminismo bianco e il suo asservimento alla logica del capitale, Un femminismo decoloniale, è un libro di grande attualità per quanto risulti leggero nei contenuti, frammentario e a tratti anche superficiale nelle argomentazioni. Tuttavia, le questioni che solleva e le domande che pone sono di grande importanza. Interrogano aspetti che pesano in modo significativo sulla vita delle donne, delle donne razzializzate in particolare e soprattutto, affrontano tematiche che definiscono la natura stessa dello spazio di possibilità di un femminismo radicale realmente capace di modificare in modo strutturale la natura dei rapporti sociali e produttivi, proprio a partire dall’organizzazione razzista e capitalista delle nostre società. Il femminismo decoloniale di Vergès affonda la sua analisi nella storia coloniale per mettere a critica l’eurocentrismo strutturale della modernità capitalista, ha nella sua genealogia il femminismo di marronage e le lotte di resistenza alla tratta e allo schiavismo, le lotte anticoloniali e le battaglie antirazziste. È un femminismo che infrange i codici e attinge a un pensiero dell’azione. Non ha lo scopo di migliorare il sistema esistente ma combatte contro ogni forma di oppressione. E per questo convince.

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